In fact, this country is no stranger to revolution. Ten years after the Revolution of 1911, people are still accustomed to kneeling in the southern country. The only difference is that the new powerful replaced the old ones, and the oppression method is more cruel under the armed forces of guns. Almost at about the same time, in the lower reaches of the Yangtze River a little bit north, Lu Xun, who returned from Beijing to his hometown and province, encountered a withered village with "the same in his bones". After the revolution, the revolutionary party, which was doomed in the revolution, split up.
Undoubtedly, Huang Shilang was a vested interest who enjoyed the revolutionary dividends after the Revolution of 1911. At the Hongmen Banquet, Huang Silang said that he had met Zhang Mazi twenty years ago, when Zhang was in the light and he was in the dark. Twenty years ago, Zhang Muzhi might have been the revolutionary party that rebelled against Qing Ting. There is a collector's edition landmine in the Huang family's possession. The twin brothers of this landmine are the first sound of the Revolution of 1911. Huang Shilang was probably also an early member of the Revolutionary Party, and even participated in the revolution ten years ago. After the revolution, he became a revolutionary upstart. The foundation of his ancestors and Huang's revolutionary capital created the Southern Kingdom One that was dominated by Goose City. Tyrant.
And Zhang Mazi is a symbol of another type of people in the revolution. Zhang Mazi is a homonym of Zhang Muzhi in a certain southern dialect. Zhang Muzhi symbolizes a force dedicated to fulfilling the original promise and ultimate spirit of the revolution, and a defender of the purity of the revolution—just like the general Cai Songpo he followed. For these people, the revolution is far from over. As long as the ultimate goal of the revolution is not achieved, the revolution needs to be carried on forever.
In the film, Cai E and the Revolution of 1911 are just a superficial analogy of this relationship. The deeper analogy is that Jiang Wen used it to construct the connection between the Revolution of 1911 and the New Democratic Revolution. Here, Jiang Wen does not try to distinguish between a bourgeois revolution and a proletarian revolution, because in the purest and most direct sense of the revolution, these two revolutions are just successive links in the never-ending revolutionary wave.
In 1925, fourteen years after the Revolution of 1911, Sun Yat-sen died for a long time. His will was compiled by Wang Jingwei and condensed into two sentences: "The revolution has not yet succeeded, comrades still need to work hard." Since the revolution has not yet succeeded, it is necessary to continue the revolution. In his later years, Sun Yat-sen's biggest action in continuing the revolution was to unite Russia with the Communist Party. Just as Ma Bangde sang his wife and rushed to the bright future, the Communist Party was making secret preparations. Two years later, Sun Yat-sen regarded this new political force as the Kuomintang's reinjection of fresh blood into the revolutionary spirit. Sun Yat-sen valued the Communists and entrusted them with the important task of developing organizations. Sun once reprimanded a group of national party members who sued the Communist Party, saying: "In the past 13 years, the Republic of China has never improved, and party affairs have not progressed. All of them have refused to fight. The Communist Party has not been established long, and there have been 200 young people. Ten thousand people can see their achievements in their struggle. It’s shameful that you don’t struggle but are jealous of the struggle of others.” [1]
It was under the policies of the United Russia and the Communist Party that the Kuomintang gained unprecedented vitality and Guangzhou became The center of the revolution, and eventually buried the Beiyang government. Amidst the victorious victory of the Great Revolution, the Kuomintang and the Communist Party split. The CCP went up to the mountain and became a bandit, and the national army entered the city and became a master. It is in this sense that the CCP believes that it is the true successor of the spirit of the Great Revolution, and the Kuomintang that entered the city is nothing but a "traitor of the revolution."
It was at this time that the young Mao Zedong stepped onto the stage of history in a serious manner, and the good show in Goose City has just begun.
Many people can’t understand the second half of the film, because according to the logic of the commercial blockbuster, Zhang Mazi should lead the remaining brothers into the watchtower, wash the Yellow Mansion with one enemy and a hundred places, and wipe out the yellow one after another. After Shiro, the hero raised his gun and shot into the sky, and the world was moved. It's best to rescue the Hua sister who was captured by Huang Shilang at the very moment, and then the two disappeared into the bloody sunset on a tall horse. Then the music, subtitles.
However, Jiang Wen and Zhang Mazi's ambitions obviously go beyond this. On the night of making money, Zhang Mazi, who was wearing nine tubes, had a conversation with Master Tang who was wearing a tube. "Don't you just want to be a god?" "Yes." "What does it have to do with cleaning up Huang Shilang?" "God can be a god, but you can't clean up a Huang Shilang?"
This dialogue predicted and later Zhang Mazi used The way the four men broke through Huang Silang's Diaolou. If you regard the money-spending bridge as a political fable, I am afraid that there is no more suitable analogy than the Agrarian Revolution. It was through this movement that the peasants were regarded as a class and acquired political subjectivity for the first time.
In the 1920s, when Guangdong Haifeng’s old-style bureaucrats talked about Peng Pai’s use of farmers in front of farmers’ representatives, the cadres of the peasant association retorted: “It’s not Peng Pai who uses us, it’s our farmers who use Peng Pai.” These farmers do not necessarily agree with the political views of the CCP. , But actively participated in the land reform led by the CCP. When they rushed to the battlefield to defend the fruits of their struggle, they became the most important force for the CCP to achieve its political goals.
On the eve of the siege of the Diaolou, Zhang Mazi once asked Lao Qi to play an exclamation mark on the iron gate of the Huang Mansion, and then he played another question mark. The exclamation mark means the end of an era, while the question mark means doubts about the new era. In 1949, when the first half of the twentieth century was about to end, the CCP defeated the Kuomintang and gained power.
In Yan'an in 1945, Huang Peiyan asked Mao Zedong how the Communist Party could break out of the cycle of "being prosperous and frustrated", "dead and frustrated", "political slack and successful", "people perishing and political remnants", and "seeking glory and humiliation". Rate? Mao Zedong replied: "We have found a new path, and we can jump out of this cycle rate. This new path is democracy. Only by letting the people rise to supervise the government can the government dare not slacken. Only when everyone rises up to be responsible, will the government not be ruined. "
After more than ten years, the stratification in the new society began to become apparent, and a modern bureaucratic hierarchy appeared on the horizon of this proletarian dictatorship.
After the seizure of power, do we need a revolution? Mao's answer is yes. As Zeng said to Huang Yanpei, Mao began to mobilize the people, but his democracy was not through voting, but through mass movements and the struggle for cultural leadership-the cultural revolution. As Xiao Wu said, a basic fact is that no matter what kind of high-level political power struggles existed at the same time during the mass movement period from 1966 to 1968, there is only one reason for the enthusiasm of the working masses to participate in the "revolution". They are tired of it. The rigid hierarchy before this. When the egalitarian kingdom that was once promised to people has been reluctant to appear, and only hierarchical privileges increasingly threaten the daily lives of ordinary people, how can they not have high hopes for the "Cultural Revolution" and how can they not be excited to overthrow the incumbents ? [2] It is
generally believed that Mao’s "Theory of Continuing Revolution under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat" is the guiding ideology of the "Cultural Revolution." The political reports and party constitutions adopted by the "Ten National People's Congress" and the "Eleventh National People's Congress" were even included in the Constitution revised and passed at the First Session of the Fourth and Fifth National People's Congress, which had a huge impact. When it was first proposed, it was appraised as "the genius and creative development of the Marxist-Leninist concept of class struggle during the dictatorship of the proletariat, and the genius development of the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It has epoch-making significance and has established itself in the history of Marxism The third great milestone.”
On September 9, 1976, Mao died in pain. Subsequently, the Cultural Revolution ended. The "Resolution on Certain Historical Issues of the Party Since the Founding of the People's Republic" made a completely different evaluation of the "continued revolution theory under the dictatorship of the proletariat", and regarded it as a "Left-leaning" erroneous argument and "clearly deviated from the universal principle of Marxism-Leninism. The track of Mao Zedong Thought integrated with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution must be completely distinguished from Mao Zedong Thought" and should be "resolutely corrected."
Since the 1980s, China has been an era of "saying goodbye to the revolution." Professors and gentlemen said: bid farewell to revolution, China cannot be chaotic; democrats say; bid farewell to revolution, revolution can only lead to tyranny; social elites say: bid farewell to revolution, revolution is to rob the rich and help the poor; young scholars say that the revolution will involve bloodshed and sacrifice ; The dignitaries said: Farewell to the revolution, stability is overwhelming...Farewell to the revolution, farewell to the revolution! Today, even the lowest level of ordinary Chinese people will inadvertently say fluently such politically conscious words as "China cannot be chaotic." Today, farewell to the revolution has become a myth like the market economy. There is no need to question in any sense. What people need is to remember it firmly and obey the order in a proper manner. Any doubt about "Farewell to the Revolution" will encounter "Do you want to go back to the Cultural Revolution?" This is a rhetorical question. Just as any questioning of the market is accused of defending tyranny, you should be prepared to become the "enemy of the people" when you say it. [3]
Saying goodbye to the revolution also has a profound ideological and practical background. As Zou Jin said, in historical actual politics, it can be connected with the contrast between American reformist politics and the French revolution, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the severe disaster in China, and the conservatism thought since Edmund Burke can be connected ideologically,... …In addition, from the standpoint of reformist liberalism can also lead to the argument farewell to the revolution. [4]
In 1799, Coleridge wrote to his friend Wordsworth, suggesting that he compete with the widespread lack of energy and obedience: "I hope you can write some poems for the following people, due to the French Revolution They have abandoned all hope for human improvement, and are falling into a kind of almost hedonistic selfishness. Under the weak name of attachment to the family and contempt for imaginative philosophy, they are covering up The same hedonistic selfishness.” [5] The sense of loss in the post-revolutionary era is so similar that the last two decades of the twentieth century seem to have nothing to do with this revolutionary century. The things that are flooding the new century are beauty, weight loss, buildings, the stock market, beauties, and cars.
Jiang Wensheng was born early and did not catch up with the good days of "Farewell to the Revolution." In a sense, he was a child born in the era of the continuous revolution, but he grew up in an era of farewell to the revolution. This problem is part of the personality, he needs an expression, but he doesn't seem to try to solve this problem. He just told a fable, and we have to complete it by ourselves.
A few years later, someone interviewed Jiang Wen. Jiang Wen said, "It's a coincidence that our generation, people before 1976, happen to have lived with a group of historically created heroes. When Mao Zedong passed away, I was thirteen years old. Well, we have lived on the same stage for at least the past 13 years, and his influence is unavoidable.”
Jiang Wen once used the writing desk, washroom, bedside of his temporary apartment, and all the places where he can put books. There are mostly books that are contiguous with the word "Mao": "Selected Works of Mao Zedong", books about Mao Zedong, and Mao Zedong's favorite book "Rongzhai's Essays". Jiang Wen said that guarding such a great man, such a big world, and so many ups and downs is much more exciting than watching the "Three Kingdoms". 【6】
In an interview, a reporter asked Jiang Wen if he wanted to play Mao Zedong. Jiang Wen replied: "It's not that I said to act. I really think this character is worthy of being portrayed. However, I don't really believe that mature works about him may be published. It's difficult because I think our understanding of him is gratifying. Too strong. We are fortunate to have lived with him for a while. He is one of the three or five people who have come to the fore in China for thousands of years. He is incomparable with the people next to him, what Chiang Kai-shek, He is too awkward. His "Looking through the past for a thousand years, Wei Wu swings the whip", it was actually a dialogue with the ancients later. Now too many grievances, to him, will distort his spirit. Of course, he is talking about his spirit. It's not right. It's too simple. Because China has this problem, I can't pull it off, so I just push it into a god. This is good! But, he is not a mortal! He did what mortals wanted to do and did not do. Of course, there is The reasons of the times; there are also his personal reasons. Another point is that many people nowadays, in order not to deify him, portray him as a mortal acting method. This is a big mistake. He has become a cadre! He is not a cadre! He is a revolutionary hero! He is not a cadre! From this term, "cadre" is a Japanese word. It is like a tree, which is called a cadre, root, and crown. I watch many movies and TV series, how can you get old people? Become a cadre?! This is too wrong. Who is he?! I have said several times that he has no subsidies and no immediate benefits, so he can shout like this, and it’s the opposite, and they all follow him on the Long March. Yes. How much subsidy did Chiang Kai-shek spend on that, using half a day's words, don’t follow! This is not a realm at all! He, I don’t think he can be regarded as a farmer. Many people regard him as a farmer, I think it is very shallow. Say he I think it is to belittle myself. In addition, some people say that he cleaned up intellectuals because of the crimes of intellectuals. I think this is too ridiculous. In fact, he himself is a big intellectual. Although he has never been there. The West, but from his theory, there is a strong collection of this kind of world knowledge. Including his hobby of philosophy and dialectics. The key point is that he has a kind of pursuit of ideals and can clearly and provocatively. The ability to articulate ideals. It’s not by money or wishing, it’s not." [7]
Regarding revolution and rebellion, Arendt has a distinction. Rebellion is violence against violence, and revolution is order reconstruction. The rebellion has existed in ancient times, and the revolution is a product of modern times. Although Arendt's "Revolution" finally evolved into a set of rhetoric that "revolution is not as good as non-revolution, and non-revolution is true revolution", but his identification of revolution is accurate. Revolution is one of the consequences of enlightenment. Its most important endowment is that it is not only a violent activity against tyranny, but also points to the construction of a new order. The intrinsic value of this order is the value basis for revolutionary actions. Arendt believes that this value basis is freedom. [8]
Out of a disappointment with Marx’s successors in the context of the Cold War, Arendt had a misunderstanding of Marx, believing that the latter “forgot the original intention of the revolution and was based on freedom”. This accusation is unreliable because Marx has long reconfirmed freedom on two levels. First, for Marx, freedom under private ownership is regarded as a kind of "pseudo-freedom" after alienation. The best example to explain this principle is Engels’ exposition on the freedom of marriage in "The Origin of Family, Private Ownership, and the State": "The full freedom of marriage can only eliminate capitalist production and the property relations it creates. All the derivative economic considerations that have a huge impact on the choice of a spouse today can be eliminated before it can be universally realized. At that time, there will be no other motives except for mutual affection." [9] In Marx’s view, Freedom based on private ownership is nothing more than "freedom of poverty." True freedom can only be realized on the basis of equality (the logical consequence of this equality is communism). Second, when talking about “freedom to build a country”, Arendt’s ideal revolutionary form in her mind is the American revolution that she thinks is exceptionally perfect, but in fact, Marx did not ignore “freedom to build a country”. In Criticism of the Da Program, he has already criticized the German Social Democratic Party's "free country" argument. [10] Engels pointed out even more sharply, "Since the state is only a temporary facility used in struggle and revolution to deal with the enemy's violent suppression, then it is pure nonsense to say that a free people's state Up". [11] Here, freedom under the hierarchy is nothing more than "freedom to kneel."
Therefore, for Marx, the purpose of the revolution is to eliminate the freedom of private ownership and the state, not the freedom of poverty and kneeling. In Zhang Mazi's words, it is the freedom to "stand and earn money." When Ma Bangde, the new county magistrate of Goose City, announced that he had brought three things to Goose City, "equality, equality, and damn equality", he was no longer a bandit, but announcing that "the people of Goose City will stand here from now on." "Rising up" revolutionaries.
In its purest sense, as long as poverty and hierarchy persist, the revolution will never end. However, for most people, after the revolution, it should be the beginning of secular life, rather than continuing the revolution, let alone eternal revolution.
"Brother, we went to Shanghai ." "Aren't we going
back to the mountains with me?"
"You want to go back to the mountains, your legs and feet are uncomfortable."
"Aren't you going to be a gangster with me and send money everywhere?"
"Today Didn’t the money shine? There is something more enjoyable than today?"
"So, have you changed your mind?"
"Does that still need to be said?"
"The third child, what are your plans?"
"I want to replace the second one ." Brother marry her."
"The third child, are you unhappy with me?"
"Happy, just a little uncomfortable."
"What about you two?"
"A little bit."
"Not easy."
"Girl, you hold it like this ." Guns are better."
In Zhang Mazi's eyes, the purest revolutionary must be the one with a gun at himself and the other at the enemy, with the best ideals in his heart. So he wanted to say, "Girl, you look better with a gun like this."
Jiang Wen once commented on Mao: “I think he can take tens of thousands of people to migrate without subsidies, just like Moses’ exodus from Egypt. This kind of thing is spiritual, but he is also very contradictory and very tragic. The passage with Snow mentioned that his relatives died so many, I think that was when he experienced a certain sense of tragedy." [12] Such a sense of tragedy, I wonder if it can be called loneliness. "The end of the sky, the corner of the earth, and friends are half scattered."
"The third child, go to Shanghai or Pudong, Pudong or Shanghai?"
"Shanghai is Pudong, and Pudong is Shanghai."
In the last line of the film, Jiang Wen finally broke through. The window paper mixes reality and imagination into a pot of muddy water. Jiang Wen once quoted a sentence from Shuping to explain his own view of reality-"Strong imagination brings reality." In "Let the Bullets Fly", he tells all the revolutions in the 20th century in China as a story. This story has the most absurd shell but the richest core.
Li Ling said, “In the 21st century, time has reversed and history has been read backwards. It seems that everything can be reversed, but the case of the Chinese revolution cannot be reversed." [13] Fairbank said, "Revolution always encounters a common destiny: At that time they seemed to be like a sudden eruption of a volcano, unpredictable and uncontrollable. But when I look back at them, they are gradually submerged in landscape paintings, like the foot of a mountain on both sides, and the cause and effect are unclear. "[14] So, all blood and fire were finally submerged in the song "Farewell" in the shade of the lake and mountains. The train drove to Pudong, which was reforming and opening up 70 years later, and the knight that followed was alone along the railroad tracks into a solitary one. Back view. All this is like a beginning and an end, more like a reincarnation.
Reference:
[1] Sun Yat-sen: Collected Works of Sun Yat-sen, Volume 11.
[2] [3] Xiao Wu: "The revolution is dead, long live the revolution".
[4] Zou Jin: "Reinterpretation of the Chinese Revolution".
[5] Russell Jacobs: "Death of Utopia".
[6] [12] Interview with "Sanlian Life Weekly".
[7] Interview with "New Movie".
[8] Arendt: "On Revolution".
[9] Engels: "The Origin of Family, Private Ownership and State".
[10] Marx: "A Critique of the Gotha Program".
[11] Engels: "Letter to O Bebel".
[13] Li Ling: "Reading "Animal Farm".
[14] Fairbank: "The Great Chinese Revolution."
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