Robert Craig Johnson,
when Laurent Kabila led his vengeful rebels to oust the Zairian dictator Mobutu Sese Seko After making him exiled overseas, the first thing the new government of the country’s economic sluggish and disease-ridden country did was to restore the country’s name to its pre-1971 name. Since then, "Zaire" has become "Democratic Republic of Congo". The Western media either ignored this or claimed that they were confused. But Mr. Kabila’s seemingly Don Quixote attention to the country’s name gives us a clue that allows us to see how this new strongman views his suffering people. By erasing the core of Mobutu’s nationalism-the country’s "authentic" Africanized name-Mr. Kabila declared invalid the 37-year history during which government corruption and foreign interference belonged to this country Sign. From then on, the Congolese will once again embark on the road of independence. This road began in the exciting summer of 1960. At that time, after being brutally ruled by foreign countries for nearly a century, the Congolese people rose to their feet. The charismatic leader Patrice Lumumba won freedom.
In order to understand Mr. Kabila’s strange, unfashionable nostalgia for early politicians, we must understand the pattern in the chaotic age, which he and his revolutionary companions now firmly refuse to recognize. The madness of the Democratic Republic of the Congo from 1960 to 1997 was mainly attributed to large-scale and secret intervention by Western powers. France, the United Kingdom, Belgium, and the United States do not allow the Congolese to decide their own destiny, because these countries worry that if this is the case, their opponents-another Western country or the Soviet Union-will get too much voice and foreign investors Will lose their money. At the same time, these countries believe that their motives and behaviors are difficult to stand up to public scrutiny, whether at home or abroad. They cannot send the Marines over like the early imperialist governments. Therefore, in this secret "low-intensity" war throughout the rest of the 20th century, twin tools of war were born: the mercenary "commando" and the small counter-insurgency air force.
In the 1870s, Belgium began to colonize the Congo in a way unique in European colonial history. Roughly speaking, the Belgian Congo was transferred from a vaguely defined group of local rulers to a private organization. This private organization was called International Congo Association, this organization is considered an international development charity. In 1878, this group announced the establishment of a new country: the Free State of Congo, with King Leopold of Belgium as the nominal head of the government. In fact, both the International Association of Congo and the Free State of Congo are just old-fashioned disguise for Leopold himself, and the peaceful development of Congo is nothing but a complete lie. Leopold is interested in mining ivory and rubber in the Congo, not in urban and rural construction. He and the operators who obtained his franchise relentlessly pursued this goal, and their coldness shocked and angered even the most determined European imperialists. Local people are systematically exploited, enslaved, used as porters or forced to work in mines. As a rule, those who did not work hard enough were chopped off their hands or feet, or both hands and feet were chopped off. Hundreds of thousands of Leopold’s slaves were killed, exhausted, sick, and starved. Many more people were simply slaughtered in order to speed up the grabbing of the resources of this country. As a privately-owned territory, Leopold’s International Congolese Association does not need to be supervised by Belgian or other local councils. As a roughly sovereign country, the Free State of Congo can also prevent private or foreign investment and the entry of competitive companies. The law prohibits journalists and rival entrepreneurs from entering the Congo. If they enter the country without official permission, they will be ruthlessly hunted down.
Dark Heart-Tragedy in Congo, 1960-67
By 1900, cracks began to appear in the thick, bureaucratic armor of the Congo. Reports about the situation in the Congo began to circulate abroad. In 1899, the great British novelist Joseph Conrad created his most famous novella "Dark Heart" based on his horrible experience as a navigator in the Congo. In 1904, the liberal British reformist journalist Robert Casement published a shocking investigation result after conducting a long secret investigation of Leopold's private domain. The disclosure of this information has caused great harm to Belgium's international reputation and has aggravated the domestic turbulence. The Belgians began to demand that their government cancel Leopold’s rights and incorporate Congo into the Belgian state. It is argued that by this method, law and order can be established in the Congo and the rights of local people can be protected. By 1908, this pressure became irresistible, and Belgium merged with Congo.
The merger stopped the rampant violence and reduced the most outrageous cruel behavior of the Leopold regime, but it did not solve the most basic inequality in the social system, nor did it reduce the fatal impact of large franchises. Wages and overall economic welfare soon improved. After World War II, the living standards of Congolese were among the best in the entire Black Africa. There are more clinics, primary schools and social welfare institutions in the Belgian Congo than any other country on this continent. However, despite this, what Belgium has done is nothing more than putting into practice some of the paternalistic flashy words of the International Congolese Association. Although the wages paid to Congolese workers make their lives relatively prosperous, it is nothing compared to the huge profits that their labor makes for those secret foreign monopolies approved by the government. "Africans are children", some people say, "They don't need more things, all they need is a factory, a mentor, and simple physical work, which should not exceed their limited intellectual level, or It arouses their unrealistic desire for equality." Africans build roads, work in rubber plantations, and work in the more important diamond, cobalt, and copper mines. But they are not allowed to manage their own affairs. The colonial authorities of France, Britain, and Portugal encouraged Africans to become lawyers, businessmen, clerks, scholars, and novelists. A local intellectual is a useful safety valve for the wishes of the local people, and at the same time a cornerstone of a friendly local government in the future. Britain paid special attention to training African members of parliament and judges, while the French allowed Africans to elect to be representatives in the French parliament. Even under Salazar’s dictatorship, Angolans have at least nominal full Portuguese citizenship. However, Belgium explicitly excludes Africans from government and corporate management positions, excludes occupations that require advanced knowledge, and excludes higher education. Belgium also bans the publication of African newspapers and the formation of local political parties. The police paid attention to the self-taught Africans, harassed them endlessly, and threw them into indefinite imprisonment at will.
Dark Heart-Tragedy in Congo, 1960-67
This situation cannot last long. The new powers: the United States and the Soviet Union, even if they did not always take actual actions against colonization, they were opposed in principle. The post-war world economy made colonies no longer profitable, and maintenance costs became more and more expensive. In 1957, Britain agreed to the independence of the Gold Coast colony and became the new country Ghana under the leadership of the charming Kwame Nkrumah. With the example of Ghana, coupled with the generous Pan-African policy incentives of Ghana’s leaders, Nigeria, Mali, Tanzania, Central African Republic, Northern Rhodesia (later Zambia) and French Congo (across the river from Leopoldville) has won independence. And even the strictest censorship and police surveillance cannot keep Congo out of the tide of independence.
However, until 1959, the Belgian authorities still rejected any negotiations related to Congo’s independence, dismissing them as crazy and unrealistic illusions. An advisory committee (all made up of knowledgeable Belgians appointed by the government) believes that a strictly limited form of the Congolese self-government will not be possible until 30 years at the earliest. The committee acknowledged that local and municipal elections might be realized soon, but it carefully did not set a timeline. Unfortunately, in Leopoldville, Luluabourg and Stanleyville, this major concession made by Brussels was far from enough, and it was too late. The Congolese had had enough.
Ten days after the Congolese Committee sent their conclusions to the Belgian government, before the report was made public, the situation in Leopoldville exploded. At that time, the police banned a rally of the Union of Congolese (Abaco Party), a tribal cultural association and a political party, which gained widespread support in the capital. The riots lasted for three days. Fifty Africans were killed and 250 injured. At the same time, fifty Europeans were injured in the riots. This is a bad omen in the eyes of all Belgians. The Belgian cabinet, which was deeply divided at the time, quickly announced that it would adopt the recommendations of the advisory board. It vaguely implies that independence is a long-term goal arranged by Belgium for the Congo. But it did not make any moves to change the behavior of the colonial authorities, did not give a timetable, and did not begin to organize an orderly transfer of power.
Such "concessions" can only arouse enthusiasm for independence in the Congo. While politicians in Brussels were still arguing about the excessively cautious measures they had just taken, and at the same time considering how to evade their promises, the conservative nationalist leader of the Abaco Party, Joseph Kassavub, angrily rejected The whole plan proposed by the government. His request is immediate and unconditional independence. The political parties in the country that have so far been temporary and divided from each other are now united and united around Kasa Vubu. Belgium was shocked and completely confused. The ministers and parliamentarians in Brussels never thought that the Congolese actually rejected such generous proposals from the Belgians. As the riots spread to other cities, the colonial authorities began to disintegrate. The Belgian police found that they could not control the situation. The "security forces" (the local Congolese army) are simply unreliable. In Belgium, public opinion opposes sending troops to interfere with the situation in the Congo. The union and the socialist party united and chanted the slogan "No soldier will be sent to the Congo." The cautious government ministers agreed. They said that no one wants to fight a costly war of attrition, just like Like in French Algeria.
In the face of such a crisis, the Brussels government responded in a typical and decisive manner: another meeting was convened to further study the problem. However, this time it invited many Congolese leaders and foreign representatives to Brussels to attend the meeting, which was held in January 1960. Belgium may hope that the lengthy negotiations will be prolonged, and the various ethnic groups of the Congo will be divided and people will fall into opposition; in the past, this situation has always shaken the position of Africans in the negotiations. However, this strategy is seriously counterproductive. Under the capable leadership of the charismatic left-wing politician Patrice Lumumba from Eastern Congo, the Congolese delegation has maintained a radical united front from the beginning. They have never deviated from the basic requirement of the Casa Vubu Declaration: immediately terminate all ties with Belgium. The Congolese delegation was united, but the Belgian delegation was poorly prepared and its objections were of little effect. Therefore, the international conference made a recommendation: Congo should be unconditionally independent within six months.
Now Belgium’s oppressive colonial policy is beginning to hurt itself in turn. Elections have never been held in Congo. There are no experienced Congolese administrators and civil servants. There are only 16 college graduates and 136 high school graduates out of a population of 14 million in the entire country. There are no local doctors, teachers or military officers. If there can be a well-organized and unified political front that can take over the country from the colonial authorities, this situation is bad enough. However, until 1959, political parties were banned. There is no widespread Political organization based on ideology. The tribal hatred caused by Belgian policies and rampant government corruption over the years has created a fragmented and suspicious regime. Congo’s political parties are therefore almost entirely based on people’s loyalty to race and region. Hundreds of tribal and cultural groups are led by naive and ambitious earth snakes. Kassavub’s Abaco party is all from the Congolese. The goal of the party’s efforts is not to establish a unified modern republic, but to restore the Kingdom of the Congo in the 16th century, which once expanded to the Lower Congo region and Angola. In the north, many Congolese still live there. The Konakart Party established by Moiz Tshombe is a party of “real Katangans”. They are southerners and oppose the invasion of North Katanga by other races; while the Baru Bakat Party represents the Nankai The interests of the Luba tribe in the Sai and North Katanga areas are hostile to the former. Only Patrice Lumumba’s Congolese National Movement Party does not consider ethnic alliances when recruiting members. Even so, the main support of the party comes from tribal groups in Eastern Province and Kivu Province. Due to the lack of experience in governance and the reality of the country, the leaders of these parties regard political power as a tool to enhance tribal interests and personal prestige.
Faced with insurmountable obstacles created by them, Belgium simply walked away a few months before independence. The colonial authorities did not make any effort for a peaceful transition, sitting by and watching the Congo slip into the abyss of anarchism and barbarism. When the colonial government’s right-wing white commander, General Emil Janssens, declared that independence would not have a direct impact on the “security forces” (the local Congolese army) and would not appoint any African officers in the near future, the army mutiny. The troops deployed to calm the situation and restore order instead joined the ranks of the mutineers, attacking their officers, and then attacking the officers’ homes. In this case, due to the lack of training and experience of Congolese officials, even if they want to maintain the discipline of the army, they have more than enough energy. Fully armed soldiers in military uniforms formed gangs to rob shops, rape women in their homes, and beat and terrorize Europeans indiscriminately on the street. The Europeans in Leopoldville collectively crossed the Congo River and fled to Brazzaville, a relatively safe place. Non-African residents in the interior found they were surrounded. Some people were killed or raped, and many were robbed and beaten. It is not just the hateful "white people" who suffer. In the ever-expanding chaos, the old and new hatreds among the various tribes were intertwined and resolved by mutinizing the broadswords, spears, rifles, and machine guns in the soldiers' hands. In Kasai Province, the genocide war was fought between the Luba and Lulua people, while the well-equipped "real" Katangan paramilitary forces systematically slaughtered the Luba people in Northern Katanga.
Belgium now faces a daunting task: to withdraw its citizens from the flames of war. Elite commandos of paratroopers flew from Europe to the Congo and occupied the main airfield, while other reinforcements flew across the sea by boat. Despite resistance from the public and government agencies, the Belgian army in the Congo increased from 3,800 to more than 10,000. For Lumumba and the Congolese army, this Belgian operation looked more like a colonial coup than an evacuation operation. There was an exchange of fire between Belgian troops and Congolese soldiers. Lumumba asked his people to resist all the actions of the Belgian army, and soon the roads outside the big cities became unsafe. In order to reach the besieged remote settlements and complete the evacuation mission, Belgium had to rely on heavy armored convoys and aircraft. For European plantation owners, mining engineers, missionaries and their families, the "Skylark" helicopter is often the only way to survive. As more and more Congolese soldiers joined the ranks of the thugs, the threat faced by rescue helicopters gradually changed from a machete to a machine gun, and losses rose sharply. In order to escort the "Skylark", the Belgian army quickly installed weapons for the North American T-6G and Fuga "Teacher" trainers, which had previously been training NATO pilots at the huge Kamina Air Force Base. At least one T-6 was shot down while performing an escort mission over Inkissi.
Heart of Darkness-The tragedy of Congo, 1960-67
North American "Harvard" IV fire support aircraft, Belgian Air Force, Kamina Air Force Base, the "Skylark" helicopter escorted to evacuate civilians was shot down
in chaos over Inkissi In, on June 30, 1960, the Democratic Republic of the Congo was established. The first prime minister was Patrice Lumumba and the first head of state was President Joseph Kassavub. The King Baudouin of Belgium came to Leopoldville to attend the ceremony. He delivered a stupid and smug speech. His remarks inspired the new Congolese prime minister’s angry answer, "We are no longer your monkeys." !" Lumumba roared. The Belgian royal entourage left angrily, but Lumumba was very happy. His words had an exciting effect on the tumultuous crowd. He pleased the crowd, and sometimes even seemed to encourage the Congolese to attack Europeans and plunder their property.
Lumumba has a large following in the ethnically divided Congo, and it seems that he is ready to become a leader, able to unite the country under his leadership. Unfortunately, what he took over was an irreversible situation. Lumumba’s sharp, anti-Western, and anti-capitalist attitude has become increasingly tough, which has increased his vigilance among his politicians, especially the conservative Casa Vub, and Lumumba’s former deputy, who have now become officers’ Colonel Joseph Mobutu. Anti-white, anti-European, and anti-western sentiments have intensified in Congo, so almost all experienced Belgian managers and technicians fled the country, which paralyzed the Congolese government and economy. With the departure of the Belgian police and military officers, even the lowest level of public order could not be maintained. To make matters worse, there is a feeling of revenge in the Belgian intelligence services, who do their best to sow discord among the various rival races in the Congo. And France—which has been vying with Belgium for dominance in French-speaking Africa in the post-colonial era—has been causing trouble for the Belgians and their local allies in the Congo. At the same time, the insidious mining cartel, which has always controlled the copper and cobalt resources of the Congo, is the Anglo-Belgian Upper Katanga Joint Mining Company, which has been operating in the dark from beginning to end, using all means to ensure that their monopoly rights can continue. .
In the eventful spring and summer of 1960, Katanga was like an island out of the blue, and it remained relatively calm. When the Belgian army retreated from the north and east of the Congo, they quietly regrouped in the south, stationed at the Kolvezi mine of the Upper Katanga United Mining Company, near the Kamina Air Base, and connected the mines with Portugal. It belongs to the railway line of various transfer points in Angola and Northern Rhodesia. The United Mining Corporation supplied most of the world's copper, almost all of the cobalt, and a large amount of uranium (the uranium used in the atomic bomb that ended World War II was produced in Katanga). Therefore, Katanga believes that he is vital to the interests of the West, and he is addicted to the close relationship with the Belgian government and military. Using the financial resources of the Upper Katanga United Mining Company, Belgian officers recruited, trained and equipped a large-scale private army for the company, the Katanga Gendarmerie. They used this force to strengthen order in the South Katanga region. And to ensure that production is not disturbed.
Due to the weakness of the legitimate Congolese government and the prime minister’s strong xenophobic policy becoming more and more obvious, United Mining Corporation decided that it could no longer rely on Leopoldville to protect its rights. Therefore, the company started to separate the mineral-rich Katanga and the diamond-rich Kasai province from the Congo. With the assistance of the Belgian army and intelligence agencies, the company organized a number of ambitious tribal chiefs, local politicians and hard-line European settlers, allowing them to start a seemingly independent secession movement. On July 11, 1960, the leader of the Konakart Party, Moiz Tshombe, declared Katanga independence and became the head of the government. The leader of the Luba tribe, Albert Kalungi, followed suit and declared the independence of the South Kaisai in August. Since these two provinces provide almost all of the revenue of the central government, they can be sure that they will not face much effective opposition.
In Katanga, Belgian forces immediately disarmed the Congolese government forces under the banner of "peacekeeping" and formally "withdrawn" from the country. And informally, they were actually seconded to Tshombe’s Katangan military police. A large number of Belgian weapons were smuggled in via the railway of a mining company and transported to the Angolan copper ore hub, Teixeira de Sousa, for washing, transshipment, and then airlift to Corvezi Airport. Belgium simply "gave up" the T6G trainer equipped with weapons and gave the Katangans a ready-made air force. In order to make the self-proclaimed Katanga Air Force more daunting, it needs to have modern equipment that is more effective than the T6G, which is an older aircraft. United Mining Corporation also directly purchased three Fuga "teacher" jet trainers equipped with weapons from French manufacturers. These planes were airlifted from Toulouse in February 1961 and loaded onto the cargo ship YC-97 (N9045C) of Seven Seas Line. The "Teacher" trainer aircraft joined the Katanga Air Force. The serial numbers they obtained were 91, 92, and 93. At that time, the Katanga Air Force's possessions also included two DH "Vampire" fighter-bombers and "Skylarks" provided by South Africa. Helicopters, Do 28a "Air Servant" and C-47 transport planes were deployed at the airports of Kissenge, Cabongo, Jadoville and Corvezi. In order to protect the Belgian troops and other technical experts in Katanga, United Mining Corporation publicly recruited hundreds of French, German, and South African mercenaries. These unruly mercenaries are called "horrible people". Most of them He is a veteran who has just participated in the aborted coup carried out by the French Foreign Legion in Algeria. Many of them have served in the German Wehrmacht and the SS before.
Heart of Darkness-Tragedy in Congo,
North American T-6G in Belgium before 1960-67 , Katanga Air Force, Corvezi and Kisenguet, Katanga, 1962
However, the Katangan leaders are the real core force of the separatist movement. Tshombe is a shrewd, cunning, and bold politician, not just an obedient tool in the hands of the company. He seemed to have the real support of the regionalists, and at the same time was able to get along with the unruly, blatantly racist mercenary officers who controlled his Katangan gendarmerie. Under his rule, Katanga was relatively peaceful, and the life and property of Europeans were guaranteed; when he was dealing with the West, he often used this peaceful environment as a bargaining chip. According to Tshombe, Lumumba is a dangerous and secret communist, a Castro with an animal desire for murder and pillage. This position allowed him to win a strong alliance in the U.S. Senate and Eisenhower's White House.
In the key southern provinces, the main source of income for the Congo, the ancient colonial order was nakedly restored. Faced with this situation, Lumumba appealed to the United Nations and asked the United Nations to help bring Katanga back to the Congo. And this solemn institution replied: It cannot interfere with such an external affairs that looks "internal" on the surface but is obviously involved in external forces. UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld explained that the UN can only supervise the withdrawal of the Belgian army and replace it with UN troops, which can only perform peacekeeping and police tasks. As Lumumba feared, Belgium followed UN guidelines and withdrew its troops from all Congolese provinces except South Katanga. After transferring the remaining T-6 trainer aircraft to the United Mining Corporation’s airport in Corvezi, Belgium gave up Camina Air Base.
In desperation, Lumumba turned to the Soviet Union for help. He asked the Soviet Union for consultants, weapons, trucks and transport planes to strengthen the Congolese National Army (ANC). Lumumba hopes that a quick invasion of Kasai can kill the rebellion at the least cost. The Congolese National Army can start from the beginning of the game against Katanga and seize Kamina Airport, which has just been abandoned by Belgium. The response of the Soviet Union was much better than that of the United Nations. A transport aircraft group consisting of 10-15 Ilyushin Il-14 quickly painted the Congo logo and set off immediately. These aircraft, along with 5 requisitioned Congo Airlines (Belgian Airways) DC-3 transport aircraft, transported 1,000 Congolese National Army to Lulua Fort, the capital of Kasai Province. Here they slaughtered hundreds of Luba who supported Kalungi. Then Soviet trucks also arrived in the Congo, transporting the Congolese troops and the newly arrived Czech officers south to Bakwanga, the capital of Kalungi, where they soon occupied it. It seemed that everything was going well. At this time, Lumumba's troops were only 20 miles away from Katanga. Tshong Bo panicked, he drove the troops to the border and blocked the government offensive in time. The Luba tribe ambushed the flank of the government army. In an instant, the belated United Nations decided to intervene. They occupied Kamina Airport, which the government had planned to use for airlifts to Katanga.
Lumumba unilaterally appealed to the Soviets for help. This act offended the conservatives in the Leopoldville government and panicked the Eisenhower government. Eisenhower therefore drove the CIA to launch another ill-intentioned anti-communist crusade. The CIA was deceived by its own prejudices and the tricks of NATO allies, and joined the conspiracy of Belgian intelligence agencies against Lumumba. It initiated a series of extremely clumsy assassination conspiracies, which were later disclosed in the investigation report of the Church Committee of the U.S. Senate without any success.
However, the goals of the West were soon achieved through other methods. Casa Vubu removed Lumumba from his post as prime minister and replaced him with the more moderate Ilio. Lumumba tit-for-tat, announced the deposed Kasavubu, while insisting that he is still prime minister. Some Congolese support Kasa Vub, while others support Lumumba. Both sides are trying to get the support of the army while arresting the other's supporters. Eventually the army intervened in the situation and arrested Lumumba. Encouraged by the United States and the United Nations, Leopoldville Garrison Commander and Chief of Staff Joseph Mobutu announced the suspension of the Constitution and expelled the Russians and Czechs. Mobutu appointed a temporary civilian government under the leadership of Casa Vubu. At this time Lumumba was staying in the Prime Minister's Office, and the United Nations troops were in charge of defending around the Prime Minister's Office. He was still safe for the time being. But he is unwilling to give the initiative to Mobutu and the opposition of the Congolese Movement in Stanleyville. Despite taking great risks, he escaped and tried to rendezvous with his supporters in Stanleyville, but failed. On December 1st, the army caught him in the opening match, they brutally beat him and locked him in the barracks in Teesville. Even so, Lumumba is always a threat. His arrest caused a large-scale uprising in most of the Congo, and rumors supporting Lumumba's coup are flying everywhere. Then, on January 13, the garrison in Teesville mutated due to salary issues, which was obviously instigated by Lumumba. Casa Vubu hopes to allow the dismissed prime minister to rejoin the government in order to gain the loyalty of the soldiers. Lumumba refused this request, so Mobutu and Casavub decided that it would be too dangerous for Lumumba to continue to live. On January 17, soldiers escorted Lumumba and his two assistants on a plane to Elizabethville, the capital of Thombe. During the five-hour flight, the guards beat the three helpless prisoners non-stop. In Elizabethville, the Katangan gendarmerie dragged three seriously injured people from the plane and locked them in an isolated house. There, Belgian mercenaries beat them to death without haste. Tshombe is said to have personally supervised the process.
News of Lumumba’s death was covered up for several weeks. Then, the cause of his death was said to be due to a failed escape, but no one believed the Katangan statement. In February, demonstrations took place in more than 30 Western cities. The mob destroyed the Belgian embassy in Cairo. The Soviet Union requested the removal of the UN Secretary-General and the withdrawal of UN troops in the Congo. As the strongest supporter of the United Nations, the non-aligned countries represented by India and the newly independent Ghana feel betrayed. The alliance between Casa Vubu and Tshombe, the apparent connivance of the United Nations, and the flagrant intervention of the United States have damaged the reputation of all participants in this matter. Inevitably, the attitude of all third world countries has clearly turned to the left.
As for the Congo, the consequences of Lumumba’s death were disastrous. All signs of national unity have disappeared. The country is divided into four parts. Lumumba’s former assistant, Colonel Mobutu, nominally controls the legitimate central government and its military. However, his power can only control the province of Leopoldville in Western Congo and the troops stationed there. As the successor to the martyred Lumumba, the left-wing Congolese National Movement Party leader Antoine Kizenga ruled the East. He declared Stanleyville the capital of the Free Republic of Congo, and his control was concentrated in Orientale Province. General Lendura’s troops supported him. Diplomatically, his government was recognized by Nasser and the Soviet bloc. With the unabashed support of Belgium, Tshombe still holds Katanga. Albert Kalongi emerged from the jungle to reaffirm the independence of Kasai, the country of diamonds, and he also received public support from Belgium. With the precedent set by Elizabeth Weir, Kalungi also arrested and killed six important Lumumbaists to celebrate his return to power. These six unfortunate people just happened to pass by the opening game. In retaliation, Stanleyville sent fifteen prisoners to the firing squad. At the same time, Katangan gendarmerie and white mercenaries poured into North Katanga and began to purge the enemies of the Luba ethnic group. Thousands of people were killed in the ongoing terrorist environment.
After the massacre, international public opinion severely condemned Tshombe and the Belgian and British benefactors behind him. On the one hand, they were shocked by the return of colonialism. On the other hand, they were worried about confrontation between superpowers in Africa. The non-aligned countries led by India and Ghana urged the United Nations to quickly end the fighting in the Congo and negotiate the reintegration of Katanga. Enter the Congo. At this time, a new government was elected in the US general election, and the new government's sympathy for European interests declined. In view of the consequences of his predecessor’s unconditional support for the colonial powers, President Kennedy was unwilling to go down the same road. He resolutely supports non-aligned countries and regards "national self-determination" as a principled barrier for the United States when confronting the ever-expanding influence of the Soviet Union. American diplomats and United Nations representatives began to organize a series of talks between Tshombe and Leopoldville, and at the same time, United Nations forces scattered throughout the Congo were finally allowed to intervene to defend law and order.
During the negotiation, Tshomb played a double-handed trick. In private, he agreed to the carefully crafted terms of the agreement one by one, but when these terms were made public, he criticized them. He seems to think that procrastination will always benefit him. Although the British and Belgian authorities are more cautious than before because of the new US government, the commercial interests of the two countries are firmly behind Tshombe. Portugal, South Africa, and the White-dominated Federation of Rhodesia under the leadership of Velensky are also in the same camp as Katanga. Last, but not least, there is a powerful group of southern states in the U.S. Senate. They see Tshombe as an anti-communist hero, ready to veto all administrative actions done by the U.S. government that are not conducive to him. , They are capable of doing this. In the meantime, Tshombe’s military police used every opportunity to attack and provoke UN troops. Tshombe condemned the UN aggression time and time again, and at the same time appealed to his friends in the US Congress for help. He was once close to uniting with Kasa Vub and Kalungi to oppose foreign and United Nations interference in the Congo. However, when the three leaders met in Coquilaville, Tshombe slammed the door and Mobutu arrested him. The diplomats of the United Nations and the United States persuaded Kasavu to release Tshombe on the condition that he send representatives to participate in the new parliament in order to peacefully plan the country's future. Tshombe agreed, he returned to Elizabethville, then abandoned the agreement and reaffirmed Katanga's independence.
In spite of this, the United States and the United Nations have stepped up their plans for the Coquilleville meeting. The parliament was held at Lovanin University. Representatives of Stanleyville, Nankaisai and Leopoldville attended. Only Katanga was absent. On August 2, the parliament asked the moderate Cyril Adullah to form a government. Adullah’s coalition government united all the factions in the Congo except Tshombe, and he regarded the reintegration of Katanga as the first thing to do. At this time, Washington feared that the pro-Soviet Stanleyville regime would become unique again, so it agreed and assured the United Nations that the United States would do its best to ensure that the requirements of the Security Council were implemented.
The main requirement of the United Nations is to remove foreign troops and heavy weapons provided by foreign countries from the Congo. UN officials hope that once Tshombe’s white adviser and his unruly men leave, he will be more obedient. With this in mind, the popular UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld sent his Irish deputy, Connor Cruise O’Brien, to order him to act cheaply so that the UN orders can be carried out. On the one hand, O’Brien explained the order he accepted as broadly as possible. On the other hand, he was under pressure from the field commanders of the United Nations forces that had been harassed. So his staff formulated a plan to get rid of the Katangan army. The plan for white leadership in China was codenamed "Rum Punch." This operation had almost completely unexpected results. Before dawn on August 28, the Gurkha forces belonging to the UN Indian forces occupied the radio station and telephone office in Elizabethville and the Katanga Gendarmerie Headquarters. The fighters of the Indian, Swedish, and Irish units seized military posts throughout the rest of the province. The United Nations forces began to disarm the Katangan gendarmerie and monitor the repatriation of foreign mercenaries and political advisers. Resistance was useless, and Tshomb had no choice but to agree to expel them.
However, through negotiations, Tshombe succeeded in securing an intermittent buffer period until September 9. The hard-core members of the veterans of the mercenaries who participated in the Algerian War took full advantage of this buffer period. They gradually controlled the Katangan gendarmerie and organized it to resist the United Nations. At the same time, O'Brien and his staff decided to carry out another surprise attack to end all this. This time the surprise attack was codenamed "Moso", which means "crush" in Hindi. The targets that the UN soldiers wanted to occupy were the same as last time. In addition, they had to surround Tshombe’s residence and arrest his ministers and friends through a series of raids. But this time Tshombe was prepared, and the Katangan paratroopers resisted. Although they were quickly subdued, they created a buffer time long enough for Tshombe and most of his officials to escape to Corvezi. Nevertheless, O'Brien announced that Katanga would once again become part of the Congo.
After the Kolvezi stronghold was secured, Tshombe used it as a base to launch a series of angry counterattacks against the UN forces. The Belgian mercenary pilot Joseph Duran flew Katanga's only combatable "teacher" trainer/attack aircraft and bombed the positions of the UN forces at will, but was not countered by UN aircraft and effective ground fire. Duran even destroyed some United Nations charter flights in Elizabethville. The number of casualties rose rapidly, and the Irish forces in Yadauville were defeated and became prisoners.
UN Secretary-General Hammarskjöld was shocked by the casualties. He was also worried about O'Brien's arrogant attitude towards the limited mandate of the UN, so he refused to approve reinforcements to the UN forces fighting in the Congo. The Secretary-General decided to negotiate a ceasefire, and he secretly flew to Ndola in Northern Rhodesia, preparing to meet Tshombe. But he could not fly there. On the night of September 17, his DC-4 deviated from the runway and fell from 10 miles into the air. No one on board survived.
Heart of Darkness-Congo’s tragedy, 1960-67 Fuja
"Teacher", Katanga Air Force, Kisenguet and Corvezi, Katanga, 11962, the last remaining of the three aircraft of the same type, Piloted by mercenary pilot Joseph Duran to attack UN troops.
Shocked by the death of the popular secretary-general, the United Nations negotiated a disgraceful ceasefire agreement, surrendering control of the public buildings and military outposts occupied during the early days of Operation "Mosso". The popularity of Katanga soared. When the Congolese army tried to invade from Kasai, Tshombe's army drove them back. The Congolese army dropped its helmet and armor and quickly collapsed. New mercenaries flooded into Katanga, and Tshombe’s military police increased to 13,000.
But Tshombo miscalculated. The failure made the United Nations field commanders angry and eager to let go of the battle. To make matters worse, Tshombe’s complete victory and the complete defeat of the Congolese National Army severely shocked American officials. It seems that it is only a matter of time before the defeatism and mutiny in the Congolese army overthrow the Adullah government. Therefore, the United States immediately sought and obtained a new UN Security Council resolution, which, for the first time, clearly authorized the use of any and all necessary force to resolve mercenaries.
After being attacked by the "teacher" trainer bomber, the UN commanders are naturally unwilling to endanger the lives of their subordinates without air support. The United States immediately proposed to provide jet fighters, but this proposal was rejected because it had to pretend to maintain the neutrality of the operation on the surface. The Kennedy administration lost patience and hinted that it might take unilateral action to eliminate the Katangan Air Force. To prevent the Americans from doing this, the United Nations asked Sweden to provide fighter jets and crew. Sweden drew five Saab J.29B fighter-bombers and two S.29C tactical reconnaissance crews from the F22 Fighter Wing to form a detachment and dispatched them to Kamina Air Base in Congo. S.29 is equipped with 20mm cannon, 13.5cm rocket and napalm. Immediately after the Indian Air Force sent the 5th Squadron "Canberra" B(I) Mk58 medium bomber equipped with bombs and cannons, the Italian Air Force sent the 4th Squadron Canadian Aircraft Company "Sabre" Mk4, but they withdrew soon. Up.
Heart of Darkness-Tragedy in Congo, 1960-67
(above and center) Saab J.29B fighter-bomber
(below) S.29C reconnaissance aircraft,
United Nations Swedish J22 Squadron, Kamina, 1962
The next problem to be solved is to find an excuse for UN military intervention. This problem is solved by Tshombe. In early December, his mercenaries carried out a series of deliberate provocations. Roads were blocked, United Nations positions were shot, and United Nations personnel were abducted. A UN helicopter was shot down. Tshombe condemned the "United Nations aggression." He obviously believes that continued harassment will gradually weaken the power of the United Nations; at the same time, he has friends in Europe and the United States, coupled with his threat to destroy the Corvezi mine, these are enough to ensure that no one can approach his army. This is a fatal error. The UN force commanders responded almost immediately. The attack on the UN positions lasted for four days. Diplomatic efforts did not work. India’s General Priem Chand asked the new secretary-general-U Thant of Myanmar-to approve the attack on the roadblocks set up in Katanga. The necessary permits were obtained. But he did not launch a tit-for-tat retaliation without effect as the diplomats expected.
Just after the collapse of Operation "Moso", UN military commanders prepared a contingency plan for a large-scale attack on Katanga's military and political infrastructure: Operation "Grand Slam". This time, they conducted serious staff assignments, but they ignored them in previous operations. They requested and obtained an unrestricted commitment from the U.S. Air Force transport aircraft to use the U.S. military transport aircraft to transport large amounts of ammunition and materials in order to establish a forward position in the Congo. Large transport planes transported United Nations reinforcements to the war zone. With the help of American diplomats, the United Nations forced the reluctant British government to relax the long-term embargo on the 1,000-pound bomb used by the Indian "Canberra" bomber. General Changde was therefore able to launch a well-planned and well-prepared attack within a few hours of receiving the notice.
On December 28, 1962, the United Nations troops stationed in Elizabethville began operations and quickly occupied positions around key targets before the Katangan gendarmerie knew their actions or goals. They swiftly cleared roadblocks, occupied telephone exchanges and radio stations, and seized the military police headquarters with little loss. Indian "Canberra" bombers and Swedish J.29 fighter jets attacked Tshombe's airport almost simultaneously. "Canberra" bomber bombs blasted the airport runway into a large hole, while fighters used 20mm cannons and heavy rockets to systematically fire at airport buildings and parked aircraft. Tshombe's "Harvard" fire support aircraft, "teacher" trainer bomber, two "vampire" fighter-bombers that had not flown before, and multiple transport aircraft were destroyed on the ground. The United Nations ground forces quickly deployed in Katanga, hoping to end the battle between the retreat of the United States, pressure from Europe, and over-cautious United Nations bureaucratic interference with military solutions. Light armored vehicles, extensive use of air strikes, and the boldness of those basically untested fighters give the United Nations a huge advantage.
Heart of Darkness-Congo’s tragedy, 1960-67
"Canberra" B(I) Mk58, Indian Air Force, United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Congo (ONUC) Detachment, Lulua Fort (Kananga), Kasai Province, Congo, 1961 - 62 years
Tshombe retreat to a joint mining company base in Keer Wei Ji and Yaduoweier region. Although the situation he was in at this time was not ideal, it was far from hopeless. He still has about 18,000 military police and about 500-1,000 mercenaries, and a lot of money. The active cruise of the J.29 fighter jet cut off the air bridge to Portuguese East Africa and South Africa, preventing him from obtaining new aircraft, but the railway line to Angola was still open. In addition, mercenaries blew up a bridge 15 miles outside Jadauville, preventing the United Nations from advancing. As Tshombe had always expected, the Secretary-General of the United Nations ordered his troops to cease operations immediately and wait for further negotiations. The United States is worried about the damage to the mineral deposits and insists that US aid should not be used in further offensives. It seems that Tshombe has escaped bad luck and once again brought the situation to a stalemate. At the very least, he seems to have enough time to prepare to resist, and this is exactly what the civilian leaders of the United Nations fear.
Unfortunately for Tshomper and his sponsor, the UN field forces deliberately cut off the connection with the UN civilian command system. They claimed that they had not received any orders to hold their ground. On the contrary, the Indian forces unexpectedly succeeded in passing the damaged bridge unscathed. They rushed into Yadoville and caught the Katangan by surprise. The enemy's resistance collapsed almost without firing a shot.
Tshombe stayed in Corvezi for another three weeks. However, given the excellent performance of the troops in Yadauville, Secretary-General U Thant is now more willing to listen to the opinions of his generals than those of Western diplomats. He will no longer make concessions and will not allow negotiations. Tshombe shuttled between Korvezi and Ndola in North Rhodesia, still posing a threat, while trying to reach a deal through his supporters in Britain and South Africa. But all this was in vain. The United Nations quickly planted Congolese government officials throughout Katanga, repaired bridges, and brought in Congolese National Army troops. In the end, Tshomb had to surrender. In exchange for giving up dividing the country and demobilizing troops, he was pardoned. United Nations forces entered Corvezi, and Katanga’s independence became a thing of the past. The mercenaries were rounded up and deported (but generally just across the border to Angola, Salisbury or Johannesburg). The Swedes blew up the now obsolete J.29 fighter jets on the runway in Kamina, and the UN troops went home. (At least two of the four J.29s have returned to Sweden and are still preserved. One is painted and is now in the Swedish Air Force Museum; the other is unpainted in metallic color and is now in the Smithsonian Air and Space Museum. Paul Garber is recovering the facility.)
The second phase of the Congo chaos, and the lesser-known phase, has now begun. By mid-1964, the Lumumbaists under Christopher Gebeni had completely mastered the Kivu and Orientale provinces. The well-equipped Congolese National Army forces fled hurriedly in front of the spear-wielding "Simba" (Swahili, meaning lion) rebels. The "Simba" rebels are said to think they are invulnerable. On August 4, Stanleyville fell without a battle. The leftist rebels once again declared independence, this time the name of the country is "People's Republic of Congo". They also began to launch a reign of terror against "counter-revolutionaries", intellectuals and civil servants. Thousands of people were massacred at the feet of many Lumumba statues.
When the rebellion spread eastward, Joseph Kasavub, who had fallen into despair, asked Moiz Tshomb to become prime minister and form a new government! Thombe, who had been in exile in Spain, returned to the Congo and re-employed his mercenaries to deal with "Simba." The mercenaries mainly formed three troops. South African Mike Hall formed an English-speaking company called the 5th Commando; the notorious former French paratrooper and agent Bob Denard formed a French-Belgian Commando 6; and A rebellious Belgian plantation owner Jean "Hey Jacques" Schram formed a third unit: the 10th Commando.
At this time, the United States was troubled by the fear caused by the Cold War on the one hand, and on the other hand seduced by the skillful anti-communist posture of Leopoldville's politicians, thus gradually dragging itself into a civil war. In order to support Tshombe’s mercenaries, the CIA obtained some T-6Gs from Italy and at the same time recruited mercenaries to equip them with weapons and drive them. Many of these pilots are Cuban nationals and veterans of the Bay of Pigs invasion. "Simba" has no anti-aircraft weapons or even the most basic defense measures such as camouflage and dispersion. Even the most common air strikes that T-6 can achieve are devastating. After each air strike, the mercenaries rode in jeeps and trucks equipped with machine guns to slaughter the demoralized and chaotic rebels. In the western part of Eastern Province, the resistance of "Simba" was on the verge of collapse. Tshombe's troops quickly approached Stanleyville, the capital of "Simba".
Heart of Darkness-Tragedy of Congo,
North American T-6G of Italy before 1960-67 , 21st Squadron, Congolese Air Force (Central Government Army), Leopoldville, 1964, piloted by mercenaries, for Mike Ho The 5th commando team provides air support
Faced with this stark attack by the neocolonialists on the friendly, former socialist third world countries, the Soviet Union and its African allies began to transport weapons by air to the eastern Congo, which "Simba" still controls. Soviet aircraft transported weapons to military airports in Algeria, Ghana, and the United Arab Republic. Then, the Antonov An-12 in Algeria and the Il-18 in Ghana transported the weapons to Orientale Province, using Brazzaville (in the former French Congo) as a transit point. Egyptian An-12 transport aircraft also transported weapons to Orientale Province and Kivu Province through Sudan’s forward base. Needless to say, for mercenaries, "Simba" with a machine gun is much more difficult to deal with than "Simba" with a spear.
The initial success of the air operations and the strong response of the Eastern Group prompted the CIA to substantially expand its air force in the Congo. The CIA replaced Tshombe's T-6 with the new T-28D and recruited more pilots and ground crews to operate them. The new air campaign requires far more investment in personnel and equipment than before. Now, there are more than twenty Cuban pilots flying in Congo, and the ground crews are also their compatriots. However, the scale of the operation is rapidly expanding, requiring much more personnel than this "sterilized" and "denial" recruitment source can provide. So the CIA formed a leather bag company, which was registered in Liechtenstein in 1964 under the not-so-remarkable name "Wigmore Institution". This disguised as a private contractor providing maintenance work for the Congolese Air Force.
However, the Cuban pilots of the CIA put pressure on their office agents to obtain a stronger aircraft than the T-6 or T-28. They wanted their old car: the Douglas B-26 "Invader" bomber used in the Bay of Pigs invasion. The range and firepower of this aircraft allow them to perform tasks that the T-28 cannot. Washington began to search for this aircraft for them, but unfortunately, during this period, due to frequent failures of the main beam of the wing, almost all users of this aircraft in the world were forced to ground it. The new remake of the B-26K "anti-aggressor" bomber was temporarily unavailable, and at that time, Southeast Asia was in urgent need of this aircraft anyway. Therefore, four dilapidated B-26Bs were found from the CIA's waste plant at Clark Air Force Base in the Philippines, and they were sent to Okinawa for minimal refurbishment. These planes have been in long-term and arduous service with the CIA, have flown for the French in Indochina, and have been piloted by contract personnel in Laos, Vietnam and Indonesia. Some of the aircraft were veterans who had participated in the Bay of Pigs invasion. After being inspected by the U.S. Air Force mechanics, all of these aircraft were deemed unsuitable for continued use and were treated as junk. In fact, one of the planes had to be scrapped in Okinawa, but the other three arrived in Congo after being repaired. Two arrived in August 1964, and the other crashed during transportation. Unfortunately, both aircraft can play a role in combat. Their structural integrity is questionable, and the mechanical conditions are generally poor, so pilots are reluctant to fly them. One of the aircraft occasionally performed reconnaissance missions, so it was jokingly called "U-3". Later, it was converted into a rudimentary personnel transport aircraft, which allowed the ground crew to escape when it collapsed. Neither plane has flown many times.
Heart of Darkness-the tragedy of Congo, 1960-67
U-3, this is a worn-out B-26B that was used for training and personnel transportation until it was scrapped.
Obviously, the B-26B is not useful. However, the situation in the Congo has risen significantly in Washington's priority during the delayed delivery of the old aircraft. In view of the strong reaction of the Eastern Group to American intervention, short-range, close-range fire support aircraft like T-28D are no longer enough. What is needed is a long-range battlefield interceptor that can penetrate deep into the core area of "Simba" to attack the logistics center and the traffic of the rebels. So the 602nd Flying Squadron of the 1st Air Assault Group from the Herbert Airport in Florida urgently deployed nine brand new remake B-26K bombers and rushed to the Congo starry night. These aircraft are among the first batch of B-26Ks (and the last batch of B-26s). When this aircraft was dispatched to Thailand, its name number was changed to A-26A because of the Thai people. Refuse to deploy bombers in bases in its territory). Since 1966, the B-26K has been fought from Albertville (Kalemi). It was initially piloted by a U.S. Air Force crew, but due to political concerns, it was quickly replaced by a retrained Cuban. The short-range T-28s are scattered to airports across the country. When requested, they can provide air support at any time, and the response speed is much faster than that of the B-26. Although it was only under the leadership of the Congolese in name, the ministry was granted Congolese status to conceal the overly obvious American characteristics. The combat sequence of this unit is the 211th Squadron, 2nd Wing of the Congolese Air Force.
The CIA aircraft's paint scheme was the standard U.S. Air Force anti-riot paint scheme at the time. The upper surface of the T-28 is light gray US Navy (probably FS595a 36495), and the lower surface is white. The upper surface of B-26K is shiny emerald green (FS14062), and the lower surface is light gray (FS16492). Initially, the aircraft was painted with only a few logos: a part of the U.S. Air Force serial number was painted on the vertical tail, and the Congolese Stars and Stripes badges were painted on the four positions of the U.S. Air Force standard. Soon after, a Congolese flag was added to the vertical tail. Later, the squadron logo was added to the nose of the aircraft: Black Bull, which is the trademark of the locally brewed Makassi beer. At this time, many aircraft still have their own names.
Heart of Darkness-Tragedy in the Congo, 1960-67
B-26K, one of nine planes of the same type piloted by Cuban mercenaries from the CIA, around 1966
Under the relentless blow of the expanded CIA air force, the "Simba" movement was quickly weakened. Although they now have ground artillery fire, it is still difficult to pose a direct and serious threat to Cuban pilots. The Cubans can carry out airstrikes in time, which is very different from performing missions over the Shihu Plain in Laos. During the airstrike, "Simba"'s team still would not be evacuated, so it suffered a jaw-dropping loss. Although the use of napalm is prohibited due to political considerations, the well-tested .50 caliber machine gun bullets and 2.75-inch (70mm) rockets are sufficient to deal with insufficiently prepared enemy forces. Under the guidance of uninterrupted airstrikes, the mercenary commandos and the Congolese army steadily advanced to the territory controlled by "Simba".
Heart of Darkness—Tragedy in Congo, 1960-67
When Tshombe ’s murderous mercenaries approached the rebel capital Stanleyville, Gebeni’s followers captured more than 300 Belgian and American hostages, including many CIA employee. "Simba" threatened to kill the hostages if Tshombe's army continued to advance. US President John F. Kennedy quickly dispatched the new Lockheed C-130E Hercules transport aircraft of the US Air Force to Belgium, where it was loaded with Belgian paratroopers and flew to the Congo. On November 24, the Belgian parachuted in the sky over Stanleyville, and then gradually made a bloody road in the city. By the time they arrived, 27 hostages had been killed. When the first batch of parachutes appeared over the airport, these hostages were shot and hacked to death. In the city center, you can clearly see the parachutes falling, more than 60. The hapless civilians were injured. The remaining 1,600 non-Africans in the city were rescued by road and airlift. During the next airborne landing in Polis, another 23 hostages were killed. In addition, more than 300 people were killed in various isolated monasteries and plantations in the forest. But anyway, "Simba" was destroyed. The victorious mercenaries slaughtered an unknown number of Africans. They raped, killed, and looted indiscriminately, believing that this was a legitimate reward for their hard work.
Dark Heart-Tragedy in Congo, 1960-67
CIA B-26K, identified as Congolese Air Force 2nd Wing 21st Battalion 21st Squadron, Albertville (Kalemi), 1966-67
At this moment, the mercenaries are fully aware of how much power they have in a long-term anarchist Congo, but they do not realize how much a re-emerging central government will cause such a comfortable and profitable situation. Threat. In five years, more or less, each commando is the law itself and does not need to be responsible to anyone. As for the individual soldiers, they truly do whatever they want, and they can do whatever they want, including killing. The ongoing chaos allowed their officers to blackmail protection money, which was collected from the mines and the many local merchants who still remain in the country. Schram even used the 10th assault team to establish his own quasi-feudal slave country in the area where he was active, and neo-colonialism was resurrected! Because they have always acted this way, at least the mercenaries themselves think that: since they have won, they have no reason not to enjoy the fruits in their own way.
So, when the government ordered the commando to disband and demobilize the personnel, the mercenary leaders tried to take over the country. However, at this time, the CIA air power that had supported them in the war against "Simba" ended their fate. T-28 and B-26 relentlessly attacked the rebellious mercenaries. The U.S. Air Force C-130 transport aircraft transported the reinforcements of the Congolese government forces to the theater of operations. The rebels suffered a series of devastating reversals. The casualties were huge, which was never experienced by the meat and drink fighters of the 5th, 6th and 10th commandos. When the government executed 30 captured members of the Denar 6th Commando, the morale of the mercenaries collapsed and the mutiny failed. The surviving mercenaries hijacked the C-47 transport plane and fled to Rhodesia; some also went to Schramm to make a hopeless last fight to defend his little slave country. The last rebels surrendered in Bukavu after a failed attempt to cross the border to Rwanda.
With the failure of the mercenary mutiny, Mobutu finally achieved the goal he had been planning since the independence of Congo: complete control of the country. He deposed Kasa Vubu, banished Tshombe, and abolished the prime minister's office. He is now president for life. He changed the name of the country and the name of the big river in the country to Zaire, and at the same time changed the name of the city’s colony to an Africanized name of his own choosing. Later, there were many rebellions, but they were suppressed by the timely intervention of French and Belgian paratroopers and US Air Force transport aircraft, until Mobutu Sese Secco’s crucial intervention in Rwanda and Laurent Ka Bila triumphantly returns to the renamed Congo.
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